Wednesday, October 15, 2025

The United States Has Always Been a Trickster Land



Politics


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October 15, 2025

Understanding Indigenous Coyote stories will help you grasp the appeal of Donald Trump.

Donald Trump, a trickster president, smirks at a golf club on July 28, 2025, in Turnberry, Scotland.

(Andrew Harnik / Getty Images)

For thousands of years, my people, the Secwepemc and St’at’imc, have told stories about our trickster ancestor Coyote. The Creator sent Coyote to earth to set the world in order. A shapeshifter who possessed awe-inspiring supernatural powers, Coyote did much good. He filled the rivers with salmon, populated the lands with descendants, taught the cannibals not to eat men, and placed many geographic features in their present locations.

But while he did much good, he was no good. Always chasing women and a good time, out to enrich himself and enlarge his own legend, Coyote was tricked just as often as he did the tricking. Our lands are still marked with stories and rocks commemorating his many misadventures, which often ended with Coyote dying and resurrecting or being turned into stone by Creator for sleeping or sleeping around on the job. An embodiment of the id and the contradictory forces that gain advantage from the metamorphoses of the world—of culture, climate, environment, politics, technology, and much else, Coyote was a character, narrative style, and philosophy all rolled into one. A representation of transformation and an explanation of who and what drives change in the world.

Coyote left behind so many epic tales that Indigenous peoples from Central America to Western Canada once told Coyote stories. Despite Coyote’s supernatural prowess—he’s second only to Creator in our cosmology of Creation—the trickster was seen as an example of how not to be. Driven by base desires—greed, gluttony, lust, a good time, an even grander personal legend—Coyote messed up more often than he set right. After stocking the rivers with salmon, he used the fish to arrange as many weddings to as many women in as many villages along our rivers as he could. After populating the lands with descendants, he abandoned us. We get some of our least flattering qualities from our trickster forebear. His name was exalted, but it was also a curse.

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And in the end times, our people held that Coyote would return. So, when a white man named Simon Fraser descended our roaring salmon river (today known as the Fraser River) in June 1808—the most foolish time to make such a descent because the already deadly waterway was churning with spring melt—our people remembered the fur-trading explorer as Coyote reincarnated. Fraser’s voyage of “discovery” was Coyote-esque, a preposterous failure. By the end of their journey in what is now called British Columbia, Fraser and his crew had resorted to piracy and were chased back upriver not long after they reached present-day Vancouver. And yet, Fraser’s voyage heralded the beginning of the end of our Indigenous world. Within a century, our numbers were drastically reduced, our lands confiscated, and our children whisked away to schools where they were forbidden to speak our languages and practice our cultures.

My people seldom tell Coyote stories these days. In fact, I’ve only heard a member of my family tell one once. The man who told it, my uncle, is now dead. So, over the last few years, I’ve studied the Coyote stories as they were recorded in 100-year-plus-old ethnographies to try to bring them back.

As I’ve studied these trickster stories, I’ve started to see many of the ideas running through them out in the world—and especially in US politics. While I never set out to become yet another commentator on the Coyote who is Donald Trump and the will-they-or-won’t-they tale of the Republican Party and fascism (they will, and they have), I think that if you understand the Coyote stories, you might see the president and our politics through a new, illuminating Indigenous lens.

Though Coyote is often seen as an entertaining rascal, he has a dark side. The world-defining transformations he provokes have, at times, taken wicked turns—as they did after the arrival of Simon Fraser. For those seeking to understand Trump and how he maintains such fervent support, the Coyote stories help explain his perverse appeal.

First, trickster narratives have proliferated and endured across numerous cultural contexts, because people simply love stories about people tricking other people. Trump is constantly positioning himself as just such a trickster. He descended into politics on a golden escalator and then immediately pulled a fast one on the establishment. Seemingly every news cycle since, he’s been out to trick some new incumbent foe. A couple weeks ago it was the United Nations, then it was the entire medical profession, the day after that the Walt Disney Corporation, and now Democratic cities. After that, who knows? But one thing is certain: The tricks will continue without end.

For thousands of years, people have told stories about morally dubious actors like Trump because there is something inherently intriguing about a character who the audience knows will always ride another day to try yet another trick. It keeps you tuning in wondering what on earth the trickster is going to do next. There is horror, there is entertainment, and after several tricks have come and gone without significant consequences, there is a kind of awe inspired by the trickster’s ability to flout society’s moral laws. I feel this way watching Trump’s contempt of the judiciary. I am shocked to the edge of outright panic, and yet I find myself constantly returning to the news, checking to see how much longer the US legal system will tolerate a lawless president. This is the kind of political question a trickster raises, and it draws people in.

This brings me to my second point, which is that the contradictions and immoralities of the trickster are core to the trickster’s intrigue. Trump is a champion of the religious right who scorns Christian pieties. He ran on promises to “drain the swamp” and yet has used the office of the presidency to enrich himself, his family, his business partners, and any foreign countries willing to cut himself, his family, and his business partners in on their deals. Trump complains about censorship and cancel culture and then he uses the powers of the executive branch to crack down on dissent from law firms, universities, and media companies.

Calling Trump a hypocrite, an authoritarian, and a fascist is accurate—but it misses what Trump’s contradictions do to our political discourse: They drive conversation about our biggest civic and moral issues. In the Trump era, Americans are no longer haggling over the tax code or debating the merits of healthcare proposals as we did in the Obama era. Those things matter, but they seem quaint compared to the discourse that Trump drives every day. If he was following the rules, we would have little reason to talk about, say, the nature of democracy.

As a government shutdown over whether healthcare costs for Americans like me will shoot up enters its second week, there is so much chaos in cities and on the international stage that the federal government closing its doors has somehow become a subplot in our newsfeeds. In Indigenous stories, it is precisely the way that the trickster breaks the rules that forces a conversation about them. And ultimately, it’s big subjects, not wonky ones, that people pay attention to. When the future of the country or planet is on the line, you’re going to keep doomscrolling. Whether or not you’re disgusted by it all, there’s no denying the enthralling qualities of the trickster at the center of it.

It’s also worth pointing out that the amoral qualities of the trickster give him—and yes, he is usually a him—folksy and often funny dimensions. So, while the trickster drives a conversation about big moral issues, he is not described as cerebral. In fact, the trickster is often a fool and a dupe, which tends to mask his menacing intentions and make him surprisingly relatable to many. More like the guy perched on a barstool on a Saturday night than the preacher at the pulpit on Sunday morning. (The late Apache comedian Drew Lacapa used to tell a joke about Coyote where he described him as the guy hanging out at the back bar of the casino.) The trickster figure might be outrageously powerful, but many also feel like they know him. He’s not so different from a misbehaving uncle, the one who’s sometimes funny but also crosses lines and is always going on about something a little bit out there but with bravado and just enough of a kernel of truth that he entertains at family gatherings and maybe even holds some sway. I live in Bremerton, a Navy town in Washington state, where many of my neighbors are Trump supporters or at least sympathizers. I get the sense that they regard the president this way.

The third point in common between the trickster and Trump is that they are powerful. I am terrified by the ways Trump has reshaped culture, politics, and democracy. But there’s no denying that he has done it and that these changes are radical. In the decade since I graduated college, the United States has transformed from a nation that elected our first Black president to one where immigrants are now rounded up and shipped off to countries with prisons that have cut deals with Trump. We went from marriage equality to a nation where each state gets to decide whether women can access abortions. And we went from a social-media environment that was sympathetic and at times even useful to progressive causes like Black Lives Matter and #NoDAPL to one that is overwhelmingly hostile toward them. All because this trickster president is remaking the world in his image.

But of all Coyote’s powers, his hallmark might just be his ability to return from the dead, which Trump has also done time and again: first metaphorically, coming back from countless scandals, impeachments, indictments, the storming of the United States Capitol by his supporters; and then, in the 2024 presidential race, from the bullet of a would-be assassin.

Which brings me to the fourth and perhaps most important point about the trickster. (Four is a sacred number in my peoples’ culture, after all.) The trickster gets tricked just as often as he does the tricking. Think back to the 2022 midterms and the 2018 midterms before that when Trump’s efforts to overturn Roe v. Wade and the Affordable Care Act backfired, as did his decisions to back disastrous candidates like Dr. Oz. Foolish interventions that helped Democrats have stronger showings in those elections than expected. Or consider the world leaders who have tricked and played games with the president, like Sheikh Tahnoon bin Zayed Al Nahyan of the United Arab Emirates who convinced Trump to sell his nation state-of-the-art AI chips even though there is legitimate concern that the technology will end up in Chinese hands. Or Russian President Vladimir Putin who convinced Trump to take his line on Ukraine. Despite the trickster’s powers, he’s also often a laughingstock. Trump has that quality too.

Looking at a nation helmed by Trump, it’s clear that my ancestors and the many other Indigenous peoples who tell trickster stories have been getting at something—deeper truths about the human condition, about change, and about how stories really unfold on this land—that has long been overlooked in favor of foreign and imported myths that have since proven inadequate and false. The United States is not a melting pot, not when immigrants are being rounded up in the streets. It is not a land of opportunity; wealth inequality in the United States is now approaching levels not seen since before the industrial revolution. Nor is it a beacon of democracy, the rule of law, research, and truth.

No, this is and always has been a trickster land. My ancestors were right. And of course, they were. They were here for millennia and witnessed perhaps the greatest trick in human history: the theft of a continent through a series of broken promises, lies, and deceits. Which leads me to my last and most important point: If you know our traditions and our people, you should also know that none of this is new.

Julian Brave NoiseCat

Julian Brave NoiseCat is a Secwepemc and St’at’imc writer and filmmaker. He is working on his first book, We Survived the Night.

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